Check out the latinoamericanos! photo group at flickr. Beautiful images from different Spanish-speaking countries.
This photo is by lujan. It is a "caminito" in Argentina.
Saturday, November 06, 2004
Culture & Identity
Commentary
By Clarisel Gonzalez
Puerto Rico Sun
SAN JUAN - I was told yesterday that I am not Puerto Rican.
Neither is Jennifer Lopez or Marc Anthony I was told.
Why?
Well, I was told by a "real Puerto Rican" that none of us are Puerto Rican because we were not born on the island.
I was offended.
This "Puerto Rican sister" told me that Jennifer Lopez, Marc Anthony and no other person born in New York or anywhere in the states is a "real Puerto Rican." "You just see yourselves that way," she said. It was not the first time I heard comments like that about Nuyoricans, but it was the first time that someone told me that to my face.
I heard this coming from the mouth of what I perceived to be a boricua sister who doesn't see me as boricua. I don't see her as a sister anymore even if she was born on La Isla del Encanto and sees herself as a "real Puerto Rican."
Whatever.
I have been living on the island on and off since 2000, but I have identified as Puerto Rican all my life. My mother and father moved to New York City in search of better opportunities just like many Puerto Ricans did. They had me in New York, and I grew in the South Bronx. But they instilled in me a deep love for the island.
And, I grew up bilingual, bicultural.
As a journalist, a large part of my mission has been striving for better and fairer coverage of Latino issues and more opportunities for journalists. That is why I am now running this Puerto Rico Sun cultural blog.
As a teacher, I have served Hispanic students in Trenton, N.J., and on the island.
I currently work as an English teacher in Santurce's Barrio Obrero, and my students are Puerto Rican and Dominican. I see it as a way of giving back to mi gente.
Now, I am told I am not even a "real Puerto Rican."
I disagree.
I am a proud Puerto Rican. I am American. I am a New Yorker.
I know who I am, and I am giving back to mi gente.
Or, should I just go home to New York (where I belong) to do that?
Commentary
By Clarisel Gonzalez
Puerto Rico Sun
SAN JUAN - I was told yesterday that I am not Puerto Rican.
Neither is Jennifer Lopez or Marc Anthony I was told.
Why?
Well, I was told by a "real Puerto Rican" that none of us are Puerto Rican because we were not born on the island.
I was offended.
This "Puerto Rican sister" told me that Jennifer Lopez, Marc Anthony and no other person born in New York or anywhere in the states is a "real Puerto Rican." "You just see yourselves that way," she said. It was not the first time I heard comments like that about Nuyoricans, but it was the first time that someone told me that to my face.
I heard this coming from the mouth of what I perceived to be a boricua sister who doesn't see me as boricua. I don't see her as a sister anymore even if she was born on La Isla del Encanto and sees herself as a "real Puerto Rican."
Whatever.
I have been living on the island on and off since 2000, but I have identified as Puerto Rican all my life. My mother and father moved to New York City in search of better opportunities just like many Puerto Ricans did. They had me in New York, and I grew in the South Bronx. But they instilled in me a deep love for the island.
And, I grew up bilingual, bicultural.
As a journalist, a large part of my mission has been striving for better and fairer coverage of Latino issues and more opportunities for journalists. That is why I am now running this Puerto Rico Sun cultural blog.
As a teacher, I have served Hispanic students in Trenton, N.J., and on the island.
I currently work as an English teacher in Santurce's Barrio Obrero, and my students are Puerto Rican and Dominican. I see it as a way of giving back to mi gente.
Now, I am told I am not even a "real Puerto Rican."
I disagree.
I am a proud Puerto Rican. I am American. I am a New Yorker.
I know who I am, and I am giving back to mi gente.
Or, should I just go home to New York (where I belong) to do that?
Friday, November 05, 2004
Education Corner
The Road To Freedom
By Manuel Hernandez
The November 2nd elections defined Latinos as the vote that marched through the road to freedom. With the highest turnout ever, Latinos have finally opened the gates to their pathway. The road to freedom provoked a lot of before, during and after electoral debate, but Latinos met the challenge and cruised to victory. With an increase of 5 percent of the Republican vote from the 2000 elections, it is clear and present that Latinos will have an opportunity to voice issues and concerns and make their presence felt in all avenues of the American highway.
The Latino preschool, elementary, secondary and high school population is growing and has now become part of an important story of the largest minority ethnic group in the United States. Much of the recent rise in minority enrollment in elementary and secondary schools may be attributed to the growth in the number of Latino students. The issue of education is key to Latinos, who are less likely to receive a quality education than most other Americans. In one of his recent political rallies, President Bush stated "the role of government is to help people realize a dream, not stand in the way of dreams." The road to freedom is rough and bumpy, but Latinos dream and have realized that their dreams are founded in the educational empowerment of the people.
After they numerically proved in the past elections that they should not be taken for granted, the education of Latinos must be a top priority for the President's administration. Census projections go as far as placing them over the 100 million mark by mid-century, but the numbers are meaningless unless Latinos decelerate high school drop out rates, national testing scores and other educational pit stops. However, despite the fact that Latinos have recently made some major gains, disparities still exist in academic performance between Latinos and non- Latino White students.
In the Narrative of The Life of Frederick Douglass by Terry M. West, young Frederick's owner prohibits his wife to read to him because it was dangerous and against the law. The words of the slave owner sank deep into Douglass' heart and motivated him to read, learn and educate himself. The rest of Douglass' legacy is recorded in American history. Latinos must decisively take advantage of this moment in history and drive through the road to freedom. The road to freedom is a pledge to educate and empower children and send them on an envisioned road to promote the educational excellence that all of them deserve. A generation after the historical “I Have A Dream” speech has paved the way to provide all America’s children with quality education and excellent academic standards.
Manny Hernandez contributes commentary about education issues to Puerto Rico Sun. Hernandez may be reached at 787-355-0099 or by mail: HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, Puerto Rico 00773.
The Road To Freedom
By Manuel Hernandez
The November 2nd elections defined Latinos as the vote that marched through the road to freedom. With the highest turnout ever, Latinos have finally opened the gates to their pathway. The road to freedom provoked a lot of before, during and after electoral debate, but Latinos met the challenge and cruised to victory. With an increase of 5 percent of the Republican vote from the 2000 elections, it is clear and present that Latinos will have an opportunity to voice issues and concerns and make their presence felt in all avenues of the American highway.
The Latino preschool, elementary, secondary and high school population is growing and has now become part of an important story of the largest minority ethnic group in the United States. Much of the recent rise in minority enrollment in elementary and secondary schools may be attributed to the growth in the number of Latino students. The issue of education is key to Latinos, who are less likely to receive a quality education than most other Americans. In one of his recent political rallies, President Bush stated "the role of government is to help people realize a dream, not stand in the way of dreams." The road to freedom is rough and bumpy, but Latinos dream and have realized that their dreams are founded in the educational empowerment of the people.
After they numerically proved in the past elections that they should not be taken for granted, the education of Latinos must be a top priority for the President's administration. Census projections go as far as placing them over the 100 million mark by mid-century, but the numbers are meaningless unless Latinos decelerate high school drop out rates, national testing scores and other educational pit stops. However, despite the fact that Latinos have recently made some major gains, disparities still exist in academic performance between Latinos and non- Latino White students.
In the Narrative of The Life of Frederick Douglass by Terry M. West, young Frederick's owner prohibits his wife to read to him because it was dangerous and against the law. The words of the slave owner sank deep into Douglass' heart and motivated him to read, learn and educate himself. The rest of Douglass' legacy is recorded in American history. Latinos must decisively take advantage of this moment in history and drive through the road to freedom. The road to freedom is a pledge to educate and empower children and send them on an envisioned road to promote the educational excellence that all of them deserve. A generation after the historical “I Have A Dream” speech has paved the way to provide all America’s children with quality education and excellent academic standards.
Manny Hernandez contributes commentary about education issues to Puerto Rico Sun. Hernandez may be reached at 787-355-0099 or by mail: HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, Puerto Rico 00773.
Sunday, October 31, 2004
pr politics
Want to know more about the three major political parties in Puerto Rico? Want to know more about the candidates running for governor? Take a look at the following sites:
The pro-commonwealth Popular Democratic Party (gubernatorial candidate is Resident Commissioner Anibal Acevedo Vila): www.ppdpr.net
The pro-statehood New Progressive Party (gubernatorial candidate is former Gov. Pedro Rossello): www.rossello.com
The Puerto Rican Independence Party (gubernatorial candidate is the PIP's Ruben Berrios Martinez): www.independencia.net
Worth visiting all the sites. The elections in Puerto Rico are Tuesday.
Boricua VOTE! The only way to be heard is with your vote!!!
Want to know more about the three major political parties in Puerto Rico? Want to know more about the candidates running for governor? Take a look at the following sites:
The pro-commonwealth Popular Democratic Party (gubernatorial candidate is Resident Commissioner Anibal Acevedo Vila): www.ppdpr.net
The pro-statehood New Progressive Party (gubernatorial candidate is former Gov. Pedro Rossello): www.rossello.com
The Puerto Rican Independence Party (gubernatorial candidate is the PIP's Ruben Berrios Martinez): www.independencia.net
Worth visiting all the sites. The elections in Puerto Rico are Tuesday.
Boricua VOTE! The only way to be heard is with your vote!!!
Flags Wave
See collection of photos of the Dominican/Hispanic Parade in Puerto Rico.
Dominicans make up a vibrant community on the island.
Enjoy.
Dominicans make up a vibrant community on the island.
Enjoy.
Saturday, October 30, 2004
Friday, October 22, 2004
Opinion
Aprendamos de las Oportunidades de Crecimiento
por Manuel Hernández
Rene Descartes dijo que “cada problema se convirtió en una regla para resolver otros problemas.” En una cultura tan agitada y maltratada verbalmente, es necesario un cambio de actitud hacia los problemas que nos aquejan a diario. Cuando lo que vemos y lo que oímos va en contra de la verdad, podemos adaptar la percepción como realidad. Desde que el primer hombre desobedeció, entró la mentira, el engaño y la muerte. Luego vino otro que le ofreció la oportunidad a la humanidad de hacer de cada problema una situación y de cada situación una oportunidad de crecimiento.
En vez de llamarlos problemas, son oportunidades de crecimiento que sirven de enseñanza para consolidar la vida en paz, gozo, justicia y poder. Las oportunidades de crecimiento van forjando el carácter y desarrollan el potencial de liderazgo. Oportunidades que llegan esperadas e inesperadas igual de accesibles a todos y tienen como objetivo el desarrollar una mentalidad sobrenatural para manejar y vencer las situaciones. La diferencia entre el líder forjado y el líder en potencia es que el forjado ha aprendido a madurar ante las situaciones diarias y visualizarlos como oportunidades de crecimiento.
Muchos de los llamados próceres utilizaron las situaciones a su favor y aprendieron a crecer ante tales. Podemos diferir de la ideología de Muñoz, Ferré y Albizu pero los tres de una manera u otra influenciaron e impactaron a Puerto Rico y su historia porque en los momentos cruciales de sus respectivas carreras dieron muestra de valentía y superación. Es fácil celebrar cuando se gana pero cuando se pierde el carácter es probado. Ante tan arrolladora derrota de los Yanquis de Nueva York frente a Las Medias Rojas de Boston, en el 2005 tendrán la oportunidad de demostrarle a todos su verdadero carácter como equipo y organización.
Aprendamos de cada momento, situación y oportunidad para crecer emocional, intelectual y espiritualmente. La vida es una escuela y los que internalicen las enseñanzas serán enviados. Cuando las aflicciones y sufrimientos son las tareas, confiemos que a través de ellas pasemos de grado. Hay un Maestro interesado en guiar el camino. Cambiemos de actitud hacia los llamados problemas y así hagamos un Puerto Rico mejor para nuestros hijos y futuras generaciones.
Manny Hernandez regularly contributes articles to Puerto Rico Sun. He may be reached at 787-355-0099 or HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, PR 00773.
Aprendamos de las Oportunidades de Crecimiento
por Manuel Hernández
Rene Descartes dijo que “cada problema se convirtió en una regla para resolver otros problemas.” En una cultura tan agitada y maltratada verbalmente, es necesario un cambio de actitud hacia los problemas que nos aquejan a diario. Cuando lo que vemos y lo que oímos va en contra de la verdad, podemos adaptar la percepción como realidad. Desde que el primer hombre desobedeció, entró la mentira, el engaño y la muerte. Luego vino otro que le ofreció la oportunidad a la humanidad de hacer de cada problema una situación y de cada situación una oportunidad de crecimiento.
En vez de llamarlos problemas, son oportunidades de crecimiento que sirven de enseñanza para consolidar la vida en paz, gozo, justicia y poder. Las oportunidades de crecimiento van forjando el carácter y desarrollan el potencial de liderazgo. Oportunidades que llegan esperadas e inesperadas igual de accesibles a todos y tienen como objetivo el desarrollar una mentalidad sobrenatural para manejar y vencer las situaciones. La diferencia entre el líder forjado y el líder en potencia es que el forjado ha aprendido a madurar ante las situaciones diarias y visualizarlos como oportunidades de crecimiento.
Muchos de los llamados próceres utilizaron las situaciones a su favor y aprendieron a crecer ante tales. Podemos diferir de la ideología de Muñoz, Ferré y Albizu pero los tres de una manera u otra influenciaron e impactaron a Puerto Rico y su historia porque en los momentos cruciales de sus respectivas carreras dieron muestra de valentía y superación. Es fácil celebrar cuando se gana pero cuando se pierde el carácter es probado. Ante tan arrolladora derrota de los Yanquis de Nueva York frente a Las Medias Rojas de Boston, en el 2005 tendrán la oportunidad de demostrarle a todos su verdadero carácter como equipo y organización.
Aprendamos de cada momento, situación y oportunidad para crecer emocional, intelectual y espiritualmente. La vida es una escuela y los que internalicen las enseñanzas serán enviados. Cuando las aflicciones y sufrimientos son las tareas, confiemos que a través de ellas pasemos de grado. Hay un Maestro interesado en guiar el camino. Cambiemos de actitud hacia los llamados problemas y así hagamos un Puerto Rico mejor para nuestros hijos y futuras generaciones.
Manny Hernandez regularly contributes articles to Puerto Rico Sun. He may be reached at 787-355-0099 or HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, PR 00773.
Tuesday, October 19, 2004
Education Corner
Commentary
The Latino Nation: An Educational Vision
By Manuel Hernández
According to the United States Census, Latinos are the fastest growing minority population projected to increase from 39 million to 63 million by 2030. By 2025, 25 percent of the K-12 grades will be Latinos, though in some regions they already make up a far greater percentage. Because of its size and peculiar needs and challenges, many have taken to call Latinos a nation within the nation.
In many states within the nation, Latinos have the highest dropout rate and the lowest test scores, and many are not prepared to enter institutions of higher learning. At the present, only 17 percent of Latino fourth-graders at the national level read at their grade level, and the percentage is even lower in mathematics. As a consequence, the Latino nation has become aware that the educational empowerment of their community is intrinsically related to their struggles to achieve economic, social and political justice in the nation. The educational development of the Latino nation will depend on the enhancement of these conditions and the ability to meet their needs in the classroom and have a positive influx on both the individual and the United States. An educational vision for Latinos must examine its jump off point to design and create a path for others to follow.
First, approximately 40 percent of the Latino children in the United States are below the poverty level. Less financial resources mean fewer opportunities for quality education.
Second, teenage pregnancy rate is extremely high making the next generation of Latino teens more likely to have less parental support. Latinos accounted for 31 percent of total births under 15 years of age in the year 2000; and 27.6 percent of the total births from mothers between 15 and 19 years of age.
Third, language proficiency is a problem. Many Latino immigrants enter the nation having limited proficiency in Spanish and as a consequence the teaching of English becomes a monumental task. With the dismantling of ESL and High School Bilingual Programs across the nation, Latinos have fewer opportunities to make a transition to mainstream academic courses.
Fourth, research on class size reveals that while reductions by just a few students (for example from 27 to 24 students) may not result in dramatic differences in student achievement, when class size is reduced to 15 to 20 students, Latino children achieved academically on par with and often better than those in larger schools. They have stronger academic and general self-esteem; lower drop-out rates and higher attendance and graduation rates.
Fifth, the highest high school dropout rate amongst minorities is preventing Latinos to attain a higher education degree. Although Latinos are 13% of the total nation population, they represent merely 6% in graduate programs.
Finally, Latino teens are scoring poorly in city, state and national testing requirements. Teens have difficulties reacting and responding to literature that is far away from their modern day American experience. There is no bridge to facilitate the literary analysis of the classics. With this jump off point, how do we design a vision to impact education?
The process of improving educational standards begins with Latino parents. City, state and government must provide parents with information, give parents a voice and encourage parental partnerships with schools. Sexual education must be an integral part of school curriculum. Research shows that teenagers who receive sexual education that includes discussion of abstinence and contraception are more likely to delay sexual activity, use contraceptives when they do become sexually active, and have fewer partners than those who receive abstinence-only messages. (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001).
Let us get back to basics. An age/grade-appropriate transitional bilingual education program, with a strong ESL component, to new and recent arrivals is a must - develop strict identification and placement procedures and implement reliable diagnostic and assessment measures. Ensure a rigorous, content-enriched academic program across disciplines with authentic and practical young adult literature in English and continue to provide linguistic/academic support for at least one year after mainstreaming to ensure a successful transition.
Funding for ESL training is required across all disciplines so that educators may incorporate ESL strategies and methodologies into their daily instruction when faced with numbers of ELL students in their mainstream classes.
The No Child Left Behind demands more testing, improved teacher quality, and higher achievement scores that in turn require better-trained teachers and principals, new and improved textbooks and assessments. However, according to the House Appropriations Committee, the 2004 budget under funds the act by $9.7 billion, leaving local communities many of which are already facing severe budget gaps to make up the difference. Educators know that these types of programs can close the education gap: highly qualified teachers and para-educators; sound professional development; early childhood programs; all-day kindergarten; small class sizes in the primary grades; highly involved parents, guardians and community; mentoring and tutoring; and quality summer programs. These services and programs will make a difference in a child's ability to meet and exceed NCLB and establish state and national achievement standards; but adequate funding is necessary in order to achieve this.
An educational vision examines causes and effects and fosters effective strategies to teach the Latino nation to meet the challenges and peculiar needs of the 21st century. With the united efforts of Latino leaders of all walks of life, we the Latino nation will help our community to become successful today, tomorrow and forever.
Manny Hernandez regularly contributes articles about education issues to Puerto Rico Sun. He may be reached at 787-355-0099 or HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, PR 00773.
Commentary
The Latino Nation: An Educational Vision
By Manuel Hernández
According to the United States Census, Latinos are the fastest growing minority population projected to increase from 39 million to 63 million by 2030. By 2025, 25 percent of the K-12 grades will be Latinos, though in some regions they already make up a far greater percentage. Because of its size and peculiar needs and challenges, many have taken to call Latinos a nation within the nation.
In many states within the nation, Latinos have the highest dropout rate and the lowest test scores, and many are not prepared to enter institutions of higher learning. At the present, only 17 percent of Latino fourth-graders at the national level read at their grade level, and the percentage is even lower in mathematics. As a consequence, the Latino nation has become aware that the educational empowerment of their community is intrinsically related to their struggles to achieve economic, social and political justice in the nation. The educational development of the Latino nation will depend on the enhancement of these conditions and the ability to meet their needs in the classroom and have a positive influx on both the individual and the United States. An educational vision for Latinos must examine its jump off point to design and create a path for others to follow.
First, approximately 40 percent of the Latino children in the United States are below the poverty level. Less financial resources mean fewer opportunities for quality education.
Second, teenage pregnancy rate is extremely high making the next generation of Latino teens more likely to have less parental support. Latinos accounted for 31 percent of total births under 15 years of age in the year 2000; and 27.6 percent of the total births from mothers between 15 and 19 years of age.
Third, language proficiency is a problem. Many Latino immigrants enter the nation having limited proficiency in Spanish and as a consequence the teaching of English becomes a monumental task. With the dismantling of ESL and High School Bilingual Programs across the nation, Latinos have fewer opportunities to make a transition to mainstream academic courses.
Fourth, research on class size reveals that while reductions by just a few students (for example from 27 to 24 students) may not result in dramatic differences in student achievement, when class size is reduced to 15 to 20 students, Latino children achieved academically on par with and often better than those in larger schools. They have stronger academic and general self-esteem; lower drop-out rates and higher attendance and graduation rates.
Fifth, the highest high school dropout rate amongst minorities is preventing Latinos to attain a higher education degree. Although Latinos are 13% of the total nation population, they represent merely 6% in graduate programs.
Finally, Latino teens are scoring poorly in city, state and national testing requirements. Teens have difficulties reacting and responding to literature that is far away from their modern day American experience. There is no bridge to facilitate the literary analysis of the classics. With this jump off point, how do we design a vision to impact education?
The process of improving educational standards begins with Latino parents. City, state and government must provide parents with information, give parents a voice and encourage parental partnerships with schools. Sexual education must be an integral part of school curriculum. Research shows that teenagers who receive sexual education that includes discussion of abstinence and contraception are more likely to delay sexual activity, use contraceptives when they do become sexually active, and have fewer partners than those who receive abstinence-only messages. (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001).
Let us get back to basics. An age/grade-appropriate transitional bilingual education program, with a strong ESL component, to new and recent arrivals is a must - develop strict identification and placement procedures and implement reliable diagnostic and assessment measures. Ensure a rigorous, content-enriched academic program across disciplines with authentic and practical young adult literature in English and continue to provide linguistic/academic support for at least one year after mainstreaming to ensure a successful transition.
Funding for ESL training is required across all disciplines so that educators may incorporate ESL strategies and methodologies into their daily instruction when faced with numbers of ELL students in their mainstream classes.
The No Child Left Behind demands more testing, improved teacher quality, and higher achievement scores that in turn require better-trained teachers and principals, new and improved textbooks and assessments. However, according to the House Appropriations Committee, the 2004 budget under funds the act by $9.7 billion, leaving local communities many of which are already facing severe budget gaps to make up the difference. Educators know that these types of programs can close the education gap: highly qualified teachers and para-educators; sound professional development; early childhood programs; all-day kindergarten; small class sizes in the primary grades; highly involved parents, guardians and community; mentoring and tutoring; and quality summer programs. These services and programs will make a difference in a child's ability to meet and exceed NCLB and establish state and national achievement standards; but adequate funding is necessary in order to achieve this.
An educational vision examines causes and effects and fosters effective strategies to teach the Latino nation to meet the challenges and peculiar needs of the 21st century. With the united efforts of Latino leaders of all walks of life, we the Latino nation will help our community to become successful today, tomorrow and forever.
Manny Hernandez regularly contributes articles about education issues to Puerto Rico Sun. He may be reached at 787-355-0099 or HC-01, Box 7717, Luquillo, PR 00773.
Sunday, October 17, 2004
Community News
source: National Council of La Raza
New Report Finds that U.S. Criminal Justice System is Unjust and Unfair to Latinos
Latinos are Disproportionately Incarcerated and Face Systemic Discriminatory Practices
Washington, DC - The National Council of La Raza (NCLR), the largest national Latino civil rights organization in the U.S., released a report (last week) which found that Hispanics are overrepresented in the U.S. criminal justice system, with Hispanic defendants imprisoned three times as often as Whites and detained before trial almost twice as often as Whites, despite being the least likely of all ethnic groups to have a criminal history. According to Lost Opportunities: The Reality of Latinos in the U.S. Criminal Justice System, Hispanics represented 13% of the U.S. population in 2000, but accounted for 31% of those incarcerated in the federal criminal justice system. Latinos in the U.S. have one chance in six of being confined in prison during their lifetimes.
"It is apparent that the criminal justice system in this country is neither fair nor just for Hispanics," said Janet Murguia, NCLR's Executive Director and COO. "Recent polls show that Latinos care very much about protecting public safety and fighting crime, but they recognize that being tough on crime is not always the same as being smart on crime. Our community is losing a whole generation of people, and that is unacceptable. What we need is a system that does a better job of protecting public safety without destroying lives and wasting resources. Crime and justice issues are the new civil rights issues of the 21st century."
Lost Opportunities, co-authored by NCLR, the Center for Youth Policy Research (CYPR), and Michigan State University's (MSU) Office of University Outreach & Engagement, is the first comprehensive examination of Latinos in every facet of the criminal justice system - from arrest to sentencing, including juvenile justice. The analysis is based on data from government sources, including the Bureau of Justice Statistics and the U.S. Census Bureau. Lost Opportunities presents policy recommendations - including community-based strategies that offer alternatives to incarceration - for addressing criminal justice issues that affect Latinos and which provide models for states to replicate.
"This study conclusively documents the criminal justice system's discriminatory practices against the nation's largest and fastest-growing minority population," said Nancy E. Walker, President and Senior Research Fellow of CYPR and MSU adjunct professor, and an author of the report. "This indictment of the system comes from the government's own statistics. Our nation cannot afford to ignore the compelling case that these numbers make for reforming our system. It would be costly, both in human and monetary terms, for us to proceed with today's norm."
In Lost Opportunities, the authors found that the inequities that Hispanics experience in the criminal justice system stem from a variety of factors: policy initiatives, such as "mandatory minimum" sentencing, the "war on drugs," and the "war on crime," that have caused incarceration rates for low-level, nonviolent drug offenses and immigration violations to skyrocket; systemic discriminatory practices in law enforcement and court proceedings - such as over-criminalizing certain behaviors and employing personnel who are, often, neither bilingual nor culturally competent - that lead to higher arrest and incarceration rates for Latinos; and even damaging media portrayals that fuel negative public perceptions and prejudices of Latinos in general.
Other key findings about the disparate treatment of Hispanics include:
Latinos experience discrimination during arrest, prosecution, and sentencing and are more likely to be incarcerated than Whites charged with the same offenses. Problems at the arrest stage include racial profiling and targeting poorer, "high crime" neighborhoods, which impacts people of color. Hispanics are disproportionately represented by publicly-appointed legal counsel, who are overworked and underpaid. Of those defendants found guilty in large state courts from 1994 to 1998, 71% represented by public counsel were sentenced to incarceration, as compared to only 54% of defendants with private attorneys. "Mandatory minimums" result in sentences that are too harsh for some nonviolent, low-level offenders, and too often courts do not make documents available in Spanish or provide translators when needed.
Latinos are disproportionately charged with nonviolent, low-level drug offenses. Although federal health statistics show that per capita drug use rates between Whites and minorities are remarkably similar, Hispanics were arrested by the Drug Enforcement Agency in 2001 at a rate nearly three times their proportion in the general population, and they accounted for nearly half (43%) of the individuals convicted of drug offenses in 2000. As incarceration for drug offenses grew - from 16% in 1970 to 55% in 2002 - so did the Hispanic prison population.
Latinos constitute the vast majority of those arrested for immigration violations. Arrests for immigration offenses increased 610% over ten years - from 1,728 in 1990 to 12,266 in 2000. A growing list of more than 50 crimes - including offenses considered misdemeanors under state law, such as shoplifting or fighting at school - can trigger deportation. Yet, according to data from the Federal Bureau of Prisons, U.S. citizens are ten times more likely than immigrants to be incarcerated for violent offenses.
Community-based alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent, low-level offenders would better protect public safety, rehabilitate offenders, reduce crime, and save money. The most expensive - and most common - option in the criminal justice system for low-level, nonviolent drug offenders is to incarcerate them at an average annual cost of about $23,500. The alternatives to incarceration recommended in Lost Opportunities include drug court, outpatient drug treatment programs, and non-hospital residential treatment; these reduce recidivism and have annual average costs under $4,617. A Rand Corporation study found that for every dollar spent on drug and alcohol treatment, a state can save $7 in reduced crime costs.
"We called this study 'Lost Opportunities' for a reason," said J. Michael Senger, Senior Staff Attorney of CYPR and an author of the report. "By relying too much on prison as a one-size-fits-all solution, our country has failed to separate the low-level, nonviolent offenders who can be rehabilitated from the hardened criminals who must be locked up. This is truly a lost opportunity for us all - for the individuals involved to become productive citizens, for Latino communities to draw strength from of all of its members, and for our nation as a whole to benefit from the talent, labor, and taxes that these people could potentially contribute."
Success stories that the authors point to as models for other states include Texas, which saved nearly $30 million in sending offenders to a state drug program rather than to jail, and California, where lawmakers are considering closing one or two women's prisons because of its success in diverting more than 12,000 individuals from prison to treatment programs. Texas drug court participants had significantly lower two-year recidivism rates for arrest and incarceration. Of all ethnic groups, though, Hispanics are the least likely to have the opportunity to participate in substance abuse prevention and treatment programs.
"We have to look at the detrimental impact our approach to criminal justice has on Latino youth. The number of young Hispanics in the justice system has increased significantly, which has frayed the social fabric of our community," said Francisco A. Villarruel, MSU Office of University Outreach & Engagement Fellow and an author of the report. "We need more community-based programs to help put these young people on the path to college rather than to prison."
Legislation to address the problems with the criminal justice system has gained bipartisan support in Congress. The "End Racial Profiling Act of 2004" (H.R. 3847 and S. 2132) seeks to eliminate racial profiling within law enforcement agencies, and the "Second Chance Act of 2004: Community Safety through Recidivism Prevention" (H.R. 4676 and S. 2789) would reduce recidivism by ensuring that people returning from prison get the training and treatment services they need to hold down jobs and become productive members of society.
"Congress must act now to pass pending legislation that would reform and improve the criminal justice system," said Janet Murguia. "Reforms to eliminate racial profiling and give people returning from prison a second chance would not only help improve public safety, they would go far in restoring the Latino community's trust and confidence in our system of justice."
Key findings from Lost Opportunities: The Reality of Latinos in the U.S. Criminal Justice System are posted on NCLR's website (www.nclr.org).
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source: National Council of La Raza
New Report Finds that U.S. Criminal Justice System is Unjust and Unfair to Latinos
Latinos are Disproportionately Incarcerated and Face Systemic Discriminatory Practices
Washington, DC - The National Council of La Raza (NCLR), the largest national Latino civil rights organization in the U.S., released a report (last week) which found that Hispanics are overrepresented in the U.S. criminal justice system, with Hispanic defendants imprisoned three times as often as Whites and detained before trial almost twice as often as Whites, despite being the least likely of all ethnic groups to have a criminal history. According to Lost Opportunities: The Reality of Latinos in the U.S. Criminal Justice System, Hispanics represented 13% of the U.S. population in 2000, but accounted for 31% of those incarcerated in the federal criminal justice system. Latinos in the U.S. have one chance in six of being confined in prison during their lifetimes.
"It is apparent that the criminal justice system in this country is neither fair nor just for Hispanics," said Janet Murguia, NCLR's Executive Director and COO. "Recent polls show that Latinos care very much about protecting public safety and fighting crime, but they recognize that being tough on crime is not always the same as being smart on crime. Our community is losing a whole generation of people, and that is unacceptable. What we need is a system that does a better job of protecting public safety without destroying lives and wasting resources. Crime and justice issues are the new civil rights issues of the 21st century."
Lost Opportunities, co-authored by NCLR, the Center for Youth Policy Research (CYPR), and Michigan State University's (MSU) Office of University Outreach & Engagement, is the first comprehensive examination of Latinos in every facet of the criminal justice system - from arrest to sentencing, including juvenile justice. The analysis is based on data from government sources, including the Bureau of Justice Statistics and the U.S. Census Bureau. Lost Opportunities presents policy recommendations - including community-based strategies that offer alternatives to incarceration - for addressing criminal justice issues that affect Latinos and which provide models for states to replicate.
"This study conclusively documents the criminal justice system's discriminatory practices against the nation's largest and fastest-growing minority population," said Nancy E. Walker, President and Senior Research Fellow of CYPR and MSU adjunct professor, and an author of the report. "This indictment of the system comes from the government's own statistics. Our nation cannot afford to ignore the compelling case that these numbers make for reforming our system. It would be costly, both in human and monetary terms, for us to proceed with today's norm."
In Lost Opportunities, the authors found that the inequities that Hispanics experience in the criminal justice system stem from a variety of factors: policy initiatives, such as "mandatory minimum" sentencing, the "war on drugs," and the "war on crime," that have caused incarceration rates for low-level, nonviolent drug offenses and immigration violations to skyrocket; systemic discriminatory practices in law enforcement and court proceedings - such as over-criminalizing certain behaviors and employing personnel who are, often, neither bilingual nor culturally competent - that lead to higher arrest and incarceration rates for Latinos; and even damaging media portrayals that fuel negative public perceptions and prejudices of Latinos in general.
Other key findings about the disparate treatment of Hispanics include:
Latinos experience discrimination during arrest, prosecution, and sentencing and are more likely to be incarcerated than Whites charged with the same offenses. Problems at the arrest stage include racial profiling and targeting poorer, "high crime" neighborhoods, which impacts people of color. Hispanics are disproportionately represented by publicly-appointed legal counsel, who are overworked and underpaid. Of those defendants found guilty in large state courts from 1994 to 1998, 71% represented by public counsel were sentenced to incarceration, as compared to only 54% of defendants with private attorneys. "Mandatory minimums" result in sentences that are too harsh for some nonviolent, low-level offenders, and too often courts do not make documents available in Spanish or provide translators when needed.
Latinos are disproportionately charged with nonviolent, low-level drug offenses. Although federal health statistics show that per capita drug use rates between Whites and minorities are remarkably similar, Hispanics were arrested by the Drug Enforcement Agency in 2001 at a rate nearly three times their proportion in the general population, and they accounted for nearly half (43%) of the individuals convicted of drug offenses in 2000. As incarceration for drug offenses grew - from 16% in 1970 to 55% in 2002 - so did the Hispanic prison population.
Latinos constitute the vast majority of those arrested for immigration violations. Arrests for immigration offenses increased 610% over ten years - from 1,728 in 1990 to 12,266 in 2000. A growing list of more than 50 crimes - including offenses considered misdemeanors under state law, such as shoplifting or fighting at school - can trigger deportation. Yet, according to data from the Federal Bureau of Prisons, U.S. citizens are ten times more likely than immigrants to be incarcerated for violent offenses.
Community-based alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent, low-level offenders would better protect public safety, rehabilitate offenders, reduce crime, and save money. The most expensive - and most common - option in the criminal justice system for low-level, nonviolent drug offenders is to incarcerate them at an average annual cost of about $23,500. The alternatives to incarceration recommended in Lost Opportunities include drug court, outpatient drug treatment programs, and non-hospital residential treatment; these reduce recidivism and have annual average costs under $4,617. A Rand Corporation study found that for every dollar spent on drug and alcohol treatment, a state can save $7 in reduced crime costs.
"We called this study 'Lost Opportunities' for a reason," said J. Michael Senger, Senior Staff Attorney of CYPR and an author of the report. "By relying too much on prison as a one-size-fits-all solution, our country has failed to separate the low-level, nonviolent offenders who can be rehabilitated from the hardened criminals who must be locked up. This is truly a lost opportunity for us all - for the individuals involved to become productive citizens, for Latino communities to draw strength from of all of its members, and for our nation as a whole to benefit from the talent, labor, and taxes that these people could potentially contribute."
Success stories that the authors point to as models for other states include Texas, which saved nearly $30 million in sending offenders to a state drug program rather than to jail, and California, where lawmakers are considering closing one or two women's prisons because of its success in diverting more than 12,000 individuals from prison to treatment programs. Texas drug court participants had significantly lower two-year recidivism rates for arrest and incarceration. Of all ethnic groups, though, Hispanics are the least likely to have the opportunity to participate in substance abuse prevention and treatment programs.
"We have to look at the detrimental impact our approach to criminal justice has on Latino youth. The number of young Hispanics in the justice system has increased significantly, which has frayed the social fabric of our community," said Francisco A. Villarruel, MSU Office of University Outreach & Engagement Fellow and an author of the report. "We need more community-based programs to help put these young people on the path to college rather than to prison."
Legislation to address the problems with the criminal justice system has gained bipartisan support in Congress. The "End Racial Profiling Act of 2004" (H.R. 3847 and S. 2132) seeks to eliminate racial profiling within law enforcement agencies, and the "Second Chance Act of 2004: Community Safety through Recidivism Prevention" (H.R. 4676 and S. 2789) would reduce recidivism by ensuring that people returning from prison get the training and treatment services they need to hold down jobs and become productive members of society.
"Congress must act now to pass pending legislation that would reform and improve the criminal justice system," said Janet Murguia. "Reforms to eliminate racial profiling and give people returning from prison a second chance would not only help improve public safety, they would go far in restoring the Latino community's trust and confidence in our system of justice."
Key findings from Lost Opportunities: The Reality of Latinos in the U.S. Criminal Justice System are posted on NCLR's website (www.nclr.org).
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